While the Hungarian election has garnered unprecedented amounts of attention, other elections have been mostly forgotten. No one could blame you if you didn’t even know that Bulgaria held elections just this past Sunday, on the 19th of April. Indeed, Hungary captured hearts and minds thanks to the narrative that had been built around the country, specifically Orbán. The Hungarian election was such a spectacle that it even pulled major players from the US to meddle, not to mention Russian trickery. It was framed as a grand battle between Western, EU-led values and illiberal ideals espoused by the likes of Russia, following a long history of conflict between Prime Minister Orbán and the EU. Add an underdog with momentum, and you have the perfect movie. However, each election within the EU has the potential to shape its future, and so while Russia has seemingly lost one important ally, there are always more opportunists waiting to be courted.
The recent Bulgarian election was built on many of the same bricks as the Hungarian election: an electorate that was sick of corruption, an incumbent that was desperately holding onto power and an opponent that painted itself as new and fresh, despite a history within that very same system. The underdog, ultimately, slays the dragon and takes decisive power. However, key differences between this election and the Hungarian one changes the narrative so much that it’s functionally a different story, despite ostensibly being built on the same foundations.
To begin with, this was the eighth Bulgarian election in five years, pointing to a fragile political system rather than the rigged but relatively stable one that Magyar was up against. Secondly, while Magyar won on closer relations to the EU and NATO, Rumen Radev (the opponent, and a former President who served from 2017 until January this year) ran and won on the exact opposite. Thirdly, the incumbent GERB party came in a very, very distant second place (39 seats vs 130 seats) following the massive protests in December against their 2026 budget and corruption, essentially reversing the role of Fidesz and Tisza in this tale.
However, since the election came and went without much fanfare, it leaves the question: what now? Will the EU once again be beholden to a small, Russia-friendly member? Or is the Hungarian narrative staining a situation that is fundamentally different?
The Two Contenders: Radev vs Borissov
To understand any outcome, you must understand three things: the characters, their interests (particularly how they conflict) and the setting. Let’s first paint a picture, since most people are likely quite unfamiliar with the Bulgarian political system. Bulgaria is a parliamentary republic with a 4% threshold, which means that even after this massive win there are currently six parties in the parliament. The president hands a first mandate to the largest party after an election, but if they can’t form a government within seven days, a second mandate goes to the second largest group, whereupon both must explore coalitions. A third exploratory mandate can be given to any group should the first two fail, but should the third one fail, the president appoints a caretaker prime minister and snap elections are called. One could imagine such a system would be somewhat adaptable, but it has proven to be too flexible. Hence, this process has repeated eight times since 2021.
Enter: our cast. On one hand is Boyko Borissov, who has been active in Bulgarian politics for over twenty years and is the longest-serving post-communist Prime Minister with three governments totalling nine years under his belt (mostly in minority though). His party is centre right, blending conservative values and EU integration. On the trail, Borissov promised no new taxes and modernization of their industrial base, though he generally tried sticking to results rather than promises. However, he is seen as emblematic of the sort of corruption and cronyism that Bulgarians protested in December, as two of his previous resignations from government stemmed from embezzling and corruption. Furthermore, he is linked to organized crime and has been accused of shielding oligarchs. The EU has repeatedly flagged Bulgaria’s rule-of-law deficits under his watch.
On the other side is Rumen Radev with his new party, Progressive Bulgaria. Although he served two consecutive terms as President (2017-2026, only resigning to run for prime minister), he positioned himself as an outsider and criticised the GERB government harshly. He could do this thanks to a history of vetoing GERB legislation (19 times) demonstrating a long track record of opposition. Radev ran on pragmatic nationalism, prioritising domestic reforms on energy and the judiciary, as well as promising a crackdown on corruption (ironically, energy was the issue that forced Borissov’s first resignation in 2013). Worryingly for Ukraine, this includes a promise that public funds will not be used to fund foreign wars. Critics say he’s pro-Russian and illiberal, but that remains to be seen in practice.
What It Means for Us
Some who have worried over this election view it as a setback for European integration, that the EU is back to square one vis-à-vis Orbán’s recent departure. Radev has previously sung the praises of Putin in 2018 and hesitated to fully denounce the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Furthermore, he has repeatedly vetoed Bulgarian aid to Ukraine and has been opposed to “Western reforms”, such as the Green New Deal. Taking these facts together, Radev would certainly seem similar to Orbán, especially given his proclivity for the veto, albeit domestically.
However, what must be taken into account is the “pragmatic” part of “pragmatic nationalism”. The EU enjoys a generally positive sentiment amongst the Bulgarian population, and Bulgaria relies heavily on the EU as its poorest member. While his pre-war comments on Putin have raised eyebrows, he has also described himself as a “euro optimist”. Radev prefers an EU focused on economic integration over political alignment, which is a reasonable opinion to have on the direction of the union. Even his opposition to Ukrainian aid can be understandable, if you keep in mind that Bulgaria already has very little to share as it is (furthermore, Radev has met and praised Zelenskyy since). What the EU really has on their hands is a pragmatic negotiator who may occasionally use his veto for exemptions or carving out other favourable terms for Bulgaria, but not an Orbán-style obstructionist.
There are many parallels between the two countries; a meteoric rise to power from an insider-turned-outsider, running on anti-corruption against a formidable opponent that has held power in one way or another for decades, which unites a fragmented country under one popular leader. Some Western media outlets have painted Radev as more staunchly pro-Russian than he is, when in reality it would seem he’s closer to Magyar than Orbán politically.
After eight elections in five years, Bulgarians are rightfully feeling fatigued and disillusioned with politics. Much like Magyar, Radev has inspired hope and united Bulgarians but now begins the gruelling task of righting the wrongs. Will Radev be up for the challenge? Only time can tell, but for the sake of all those who want to see a Bulgaria free from corruption, we can hope.